Prospects

10 FAQ

1. Can Hamas survive after October 7?

Even if Israel destroys much of Hamas’ military capacity, the idea of resistance will survive as long as Palestinians live under occupation, siege, and settlement expansion. For many, Hamas represents the refusal to accept permanent oppression, even if they disagree with its methods. U.S. intelligence reports indicate that since the start of the conflict, Hamas has recruited 10,000 to 15,000 new fighters, even while suffering losses. Before October 2023, Hamas was estimated to have 20,000 to 25,000 fighters. In his final weeks as US Secretary of States under the Biden administration, Blinken publicly said: “We assess that Hamas has recruited almost as many new militants as it has lost.”
He warned that this dynamic sets the stage for “an enduring insurgency and perpetual war.” It is a losing battle because it is a colonial battle.

3. Could Israel remove Hamas and leave Gaza?

The world focuses heavily on the Israeli hostages, but thousands of Palestinians remain imprisoned in Israel, many without trial (administrative detention), hundreds of them children under 18. Hostage swaps could free both groups — but so far, Israel authorities showed they prefer war over negotiations, weaponizing the hostages issue. On September 9, 2025, Israel conducted an airstrike in Doha targeting a residential compound that was being used by Hamas negotiators and their families. The strike reportedly hit while Hamas leaders were meeting to consider a U.S.-backed ceasefire proposal. This is the first known Israeli strike inside Qatari territory — a major escalation, since Qatar has been a mediator and host to negotiations between Israel and Hamas. Striking those in talks sends a signal that Israel may prefer force over diplomacy, undermining efforts to de-escalate or find a negotiated path forward. Israeli airstrikes ‘killed any hope’ for hostages in Gaza, said Qatari prime minister.

2. What about the hostages in Gaza?

Israel has devastated Gaza, but offers no clear plan for who will govern it. Some talk about the Palestinian Authority or an “international force,” but without Palestinian self-determination, Gaza risks staying under siege or military control — just under a new name.

4. What about the Palestinian Authority (PA)?

The PA is deeply unpopular. Many Palestinians see it as corrupt and collaborating with Israel instead of defending Palestinian rights. For Gazans especially, replacing Hamas with the PA feels like swapping one jailer for another.

5. How is Israeli politics changing?

Inside Israel, anger is high — but much of it is about Netanyahu’s failures, not about ending occupation. Polls show that 82% of Israeli citizens approve of what is being done in Gaza, showing no empathy for Palestinian suffering, despite atrocities aired lived on internet and children being butchered on a daily basis. Besides, Israel has built so many settlements in the West Bank that a real Palestinian state looks almost impossible now. Most Palestinians see the “two-state solution” as a hollow slogan Western governments repeat while Israel keeps taking land.

Gaza is in ruins: whole families erased, hospitals bombed, children starving. In the West Bank, settlers attack Palestinians with impunity, often protected by the army. For Palestinians, the war feels like part of a larger project of erasure.
In terms of data, the Gaza Health Ministry (the main official source, cited by Western media and the UN and that proved to be relatively accurate over the years) reported 66,414 Palestinians killed as of 24 September 2025. Western agencies like the UN and HRW warn the real toll is likely higher, since many bodies remain under rubble or unregistered. A Lancet magazine peer-reviewed article suggest that due to indirect deaths, the total toll of the conflict might reach 186,000 or more over time, applying multipliers from other conflicts.

The interim damage assessment by the World Bank & partners reported that 84% of health facility buildings had been destroyed or damaged (as of early 2024) and that the education system had “collapsed”, with most schools damaged, used for shelter, or outright destroyed.

Only 40% of drinking water production facilities remain functional due to damage and fuel shortages.
No more security, no more hospital, no more schools, no more food, no more water = GENOCIDE.

6. What is happening to Palestinians on the ground?

7. What role does the world play?

  • U.S. and Europe: Still supply Israel with weapons while calling for “restraint.”

  • Arab states: Issue statements, but offer little real protection.
    . The rest of the world condemns Israel as a rogue state. Today, Israel is more isolated than ever. Even in right-wing America, especially among our generation, people are turning their backs on this terrorist country.

  • Grassroots movements: Worldwide protests, boycotts, and solidarity actions are often the only visible defense of Palestinian rights.

8. What is the “Riviera Project” and why do Palestinians fear it?

Leaked ideas from U.S. and Israeli circles describe Gaza’s coastline as “valuable waterfront property” that could be turned into a Mediterranean Riviera once Palestinians are displaced. Critics say this is just ethnic cleansing repackaged as redevelopment — a plan to erase Palestinians from their own land under the cover of luxury projects. For Palestinians, it confirms the suspicion that destruction today paves the way for dispossession tomorrow.

10. How to pull the plug on the genocide ?

8. Why Gaza is strategic for Israel ?

Owning Gaza isn’t just about borders — it’s about resources and control.
There are natural gas fields sitting off Gaza’s coast, worth billions, that Israel could tap if it locks down the area.
Some plans even floated a new canal linking the Med to the Red Sea as a rival to Suez — and Gaza’s coastline would be key real estate for that. Add to that the leverage of controlling trade routes, energy supplies, and who gets access, and you see why Gaza isn’t just “a strip of land.” Bottom line: power, money, and geopolitics make Gaza way more strategic than it looks on the map.

  • Call it what it is — genocide.

  • Blast verified info on socials, go viral, memes + facts hit harder than press releases.

  • Boycott brands + banks funding the violence; money talks louder than hashtags.

  • Pressure reps, senators, MPs, whoever; flood their inboxes & public pages.

  • Donate to legit orgs on the ground, not shady “awareness” groups.

  • Team up w/ global movements.

  • Push for sanctions + embargoes through petitions & direct action.

  • Strengthen your debating skills, rely on verified facts, stay loud and consistent.

9. Is the idea of a ‘Greater Israel’ quietly moving from the margins into the mainstream?

The idea of a Greater Israel is less a formal government blueprint and more a political-religious ideology that’s been steadily shaping Israeli policy on the ground. In this vision, Israel expands its sovereignty beyond the internationally recognized 1967 borders, absorbing all of historic Palestine — from the river to the sea — and in some versions, even stretching into parts of Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan. For Palestinians, this translates to the systematic erasure of their national aspirations: settlement expansion, land confiscations, displacement, and a tightening regime of military rule in the West Bank and blockade in Gaza. Annexation of the West Bank, even when couched in “security” language, effectively makes a two-state solution impossible, leaving Palestinians either stateless or second-class citizens in a de facto apartheid structure. The idea of a “Greater Israel” does seem to be sliding from the political margins toward the mainstream, even if it’s not called that outright. What was once fringe rhetoric now echoes through new settlement expansion and recent annexation votes, giving the project a more tangible shape. Far-right leaders openly reference biblical borders, making what used to sound extreme feel increasingly normalized. Globally, the shift is being read as creeping annexation, even without the official label attached.